Theory of Natural Rights

The process whereby differential entitlements bulge out is intelligible but non pattered; that is, "there is no sensation natural dimension or weighted sum or combination of a small number of natural dimensions that yields the distributions generated in accordance with the principle of entitlement" (Nozick 154). This implies a rational but non predetermined, or still less, morally enforced transaction environment. erudition and transfer of holdings, which throw off the effect to creating entitlements, be a voice of individual choice and preference. Distribution is the result of a serial publication of choices, preferences, and exchanges, and to the degree such choices, preferences, and exchanges argon voluntary they are as well naturally occurring. Nozick contrasts this with an environment in which there is artificial ruffle in the distribution and transaction processes, e.g., in the case of a stir that forbids proceeding between individuals. Only a suppose that protects parties to transactions from fraud and coercion is justified in busy with transactions of this kind: "Any favored pattern would be transformed into one unfavored by . . . people choosing to act in various ways" (Nozick 159).

In context, favored pattern refers to state supervision o

To the degree females are considered an aspect of the transactional society, then, they are enablers; the transactions are men's work. Meanwhile, we ache seen that Nozick is comfortable with the idea of voluntary slavery. Presumably this means that a charwoman's volunteering to be a surrogate mother might be a form of such slavery. But that means a woman is party to a transaction, which means a woman whitethorn not merely be an enabler? Does that mean she may only be a slave? If so, Nozick's theory is not really about free choice for all individuals.

Okin develops the analytic theoretical difficulty with the view that females do indeed have free choice, noting that the peculiar position of women vis-a-vis production of children has the effect on Nozick's theory of arguing "that women's entitlement rights to those they produce must mint priority over persons' rights to themselves at birth" (Okin 82). How, in logic, gage Nozick argue for responsible parenting if, by his own logic, women's role in his society cannot be either explained away or include in the society he envisions: "when we consider women's reproductive capacities and mash, the ruling of self-ownership that is so central to the principle of acquisition turns out to be completely undermined by that very principle" (Okin 86).

These are the kinds of issues that Okin says admit Nozick's theory of rights as "the result of the legitimate transfer of de jure acquired holdings" (Okin 77). And they arise specifically and programmatically because Nozick's theory does not account for the event that the sex of the transacting individuals could have an impact on the structure, process, and outcome of the transactions involved. For Nozick's theory to work one must ignore that "persons are not only producers but also the products of human labor and human capacities" and that "natural ability to produce people is highly unequally distributed among human beings" (79). The implications are compounded when these two facts a
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