U.S. Foreign Policy Towards Cuba

Cuba, however, was the subject of an eventide more(prenominal) intransigent foreign policy because of its proximity and historical ties to the get together States. Consequently, the economic sanctions imposed in the archaeozoic 1960s and the lose of diplomatic ties rent been the most visible features of the U.S. policy towards Cuba since Castro took power. (Spanier, 1983, pp. 110-113).

The demise of the Soviet unification and the end of the Cold War in the early 1990s changed the political calculus netherpinning U.S. foreign policy. Cuba, in particular, now posed poor danger to vital, or even important, U.S. interests. In fact, without its Soviet sponsor, the Cuban government could do little to stem the increasing economic problems afflicting its people. By the middle eld of the 1990s, many in spite of appearance and without the U.S. government began suggesting relaxation of the now traditionalistic policies, particularly the economic sanctions. Others, however, urged no relaxation of the U.S. stance until Cuba renounced its communist government. These advocates pushed the Helms-Burton and Cuban commonwealth coifs (discussed below) through Congress in the early 1990s.

President Clinton and members of his judgeship nourish repeated the assertion of preceding(prenominal) U.S. administrations that the United States has a vital national interest in the affairs of Cuba. Such an interest is what drives U.S. policy towards C

Like previous administrations, that led by honker Clinton has asserted that real change in Cuba must be brought about by the Cuban people. This can only make it when the people can no longer tolerate the economic, social, and political conditions in the country. In order to facilitate such change, the Clinton administration and its predecessors have sought to increase the flow of information to, from and within Cuba. In order to accomplish this address, Clinton began allowing groups within the U.S. to develop overbold contacts on the island and began licensing dozens of trips, programs and other activities by nongovermental organizations (NGOs) and institutions in the U.S. aimed at establishing positive working relationships with counterparts in Cuba. (Ranneberger, 1997).

The U.S.

Cuban policy under Clinton was established in legislation through the Libertad (Helms-Burton) Act, and the Cuban Democracy Act (CDA) of 1992. These two laws were designed to cement the financial pressure placed upon the Castro regime. The CDA tightened existing economic sanctions on Cuba, while the Libertad Act created new sanctions, which increased protection of U.S. belongings interests in Cuba and disheartened foreign investiture. State Department officials have insisted that the CDA has slowed foreign investment in Cuba, although there have not been a prominent number of determinations of "trafficking" under the Act. In addition, State Department officials have stated that the provisions of the Libertad Act have caused foreign companies to bow out greater time and care when considering investments in Cuba to ensure that U.S. property interests are not affected. These officials have also admitted, however, that these two measures have triggered complaints from U.S. trading partners and even litigation by the European Union in the World Trade Organization (WTO). (Ranneberger, 1997).

uba. As unmatched State Department official stated in 1997, the "overarching goal [of this policy] is to promote a
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